Related article: Stress
Sigmund Freud and Jean-Martin Charcot were born 150 years ago, but their ideas about the effect of the subconscious on disease continue to resonate in the scientific community.1) Freud and colleagues argued that unconscious mental processes such as sublimated rage could manifest as physical symptoms. However, with the advent of superior technology, one by one, many diseases once supposed to be caused by psychological stress have since been attributed to other factors including infections.
According to the Marshall Pathogenesis, chronic fatigue syndrome, multiple chemical sensitivity and other chronic inflammatory diseases are likely caused by pathogens, yet many physicians consider these diseases to be “medically unexplained.” Medically unexplained diseases are widely prevalent2) but at the same time have few discernible markers or objectively measurable symptoms. While a lot of Freudian ideas have fallen out of favor, one legacy remains: difficult-to-explain diseases are still routinely attributed to psychological causes. The process by which patients supposedly manifest psychological problems as a disease has been named and renamed, classified and reclassified: hysteria, psychosomatic disorder, somatoform disorder, conversion disorder, functional disorder, etc. In each of these diagnoses, however, the stated origin of disease is unchanged: symptoms that cannot be explained are ultimately “all in a patient's head.”
While there is no denying the existence of some sort of “mind-body connection,” there is minimal compelling evidence that as the 19th century Swiss physician Georg W. Groddeck claimed: “Illness has a purpose; it has to resolve the conflict, to repress it, or to prevent what is already repressed from entering consciousness.”3) Despite the stark absence of evidence supporting these views, it is not unusual to read papers describing how patients with long-term so-called psychological illnesses may be subconsciously manifesting them, because it would allow them to have more “care, attention, disengagement, or even financial benefits.”4) Nor, is it uncommon for new theories to spring up along these lines. In one example, a 2008 continuing medical education publication taught physicians that when a celebrity becomes ill, healthy people are suggestible enough to develop long-term illnesses consistent with the celebrity's descriptions of their conditions. Such claims are recklessly speculative, harming patients and stalling needed research.
Treating patients who complain of so-called medically unexplained symptoms with cognitive behavioral therapy or, in the case of chronic fatigue syndrome, graded exercise therapy, may do more harm than good.5) The emergence of metagenomic technologies offers a more sophisticated set of tools for detecting and characterizing microbes in these disease states. Perhaps it is only the use of this technology that will finally relegate the notion of patient as attention-seeking victim to historical relic.
Numerous studies have demonstrated that many of the physical complaints presented to physicians are unexplained from a medical perspective.6) 7) Depending on the setting, between 30 and 66% of patients who seek medical care have unexplained symptoms.8) 9) 10) According to a 1996 estimate, the eight most common physical complaints (fatigue, backache, headache, dizziness, chest pain, dyspnea, abdominal pain, anxiety) account for more than 80 million physician visits annually in the United States, and only 25% of these symptoms have a demonstrable organic (of the body) cause.11) According to the Marshall Pathogenesis and as described elsewhere in the Knowledge Base, many of these “unexplained” symptoms are likely due to microbes.
Lupus, multiple sclerosis, AIDS, and Lyme disease suffered similar fates before “tissue evidence” was available. Patients were belittled by armchair speculators masquerading as scientists. Who among us believes this was helpful? A simple “I don't know” would have been better than specious speculation.
The authors confuse absence of evidence with evidence of absence. They are not the same. Absence of evidence may reflect insufficient research, inadequate technology, poor methods, flawed paradigms, closed minds, or lack of clinical experience; for example, in 1980, there was no clear evidence that AIDS was viral—blood products were considered “safe.“….
The chronic fatigue syndrome and fibromyalgia (probably the same disorder) are characterized by considerable suffering and disability. We must not add to that suffering by trivializing patients with “functional” labels. Marginal care inevitably ensues.
Thomas L. English, M.D.12)
Medicine has a long and ignominious history of erroneously psychologizing problems with organic causes. Several classic examples of how psychological stress supposedly affects disease have been debunked.
Disease | Early and erroneous claims | More valid explanations |
---|---|---|
cardiac disease | Type A behavior – in which people are impatient, time-conscious and controlling – was first described as a substantial risk factor in coronary disease by the cardiologists Meyer Friedman and R. H. Rosenman.13) | Research since then has found that Type A behavior is not a good predictor of coronary heart disease.14) On the basis of this and other criticisms, Type A theory has been termed obsolete by many researchers in contemporary health psychology and personality psychology. |
camptocormia - forced posture with a forward-bent trunk | supposedly seen in soldiers during World Wars I and II; claimed it could be cured quickly and durably by a “persuasive” electrotherapy15) | muscle weakness; an organic comorbidity of Parkinson's and ALS |
schizophrenia | claimed to be caused by cold, distant mothers16) 17) | communities of microbes have been increasingly implicated. An infection of pregnant woman during critical brain development of foetus is credible. 18), 19), 20), 21), 22) |
stomach ulcers | claimed to be cause by stress | Helicobacter pylori |
tuberculosis | in the developed world, claimed to be caused by tubercular personality23) – romantic, unfulfilled, cosmopolitan people that need change and excitement | Mycobacterium tuberculosis |
ulcerative colitis | in children, according to one author's claims, caused by interdependent on relationship between patients, parents, and grandparents24) | no widely accepted cause, however, communities of microbes have been increasingly implicated |
Eminent journals in the field of psychology from only several decades ago are full of preposterous descriptions of how factors including patients' subconscious urges, ineffectual fathers, and repressed rage can cause diseases like asthma, hyperthyroidism or rheumatoid arthritis. It is possible to unearth hundreds of such statements in the medical literature.
Bloody diarrhea of the child [who has ulcerative colitis] is interdependent with the behavior of his parents and grandparents and with the behavior of his siblings; hence, it is necessary to know about the developmental course of the two parents, the parents' images of the respective sets of grandparents, the parents' roles as husband and wife and the parents' roles as parents of the patient and the siblings of the patient.
P. Adams, in a 1968 Psychosomatics paper25)
The notion of hysteria can be traced to ancient times. In the gynecological treatises of the Hippocratic corpus (5th and 4th centuries BCE), the father of medicine describes an illness in which the uterus dries up and wanders the body in search of moisture. They called this hysteria. Symptoms would then be caused by the uterus pressing on other organs. If it had wandered as far as the cranium, for example, the symptom would be headaches.26) Plato's dialogue Timaeus tells of the uterus wandering throughout a woman’s body, strangling the victim as it reaches the chest and causing disease. This theory is the source of the name, which stems from the Greek cognate of uterus, hystera. Galen, a prominent physician from the second century, wrote that hysteria was a disease caused by sexual deprivation in particularly passionate women. In the 17th century, Sydenham said, “hysteria could simulate any medical disease.”27)
Freud and his contemporaries such as Charcot agreed that hysteria occurred among women, hypothesizing that instead of being a disorder of the womb or anything biological, hysteria was a product of emotional distress, anxiety or some other psychological cause. Extreme psychological stress, they argued, manifested itself in the body as illness, a view which Dr. Henry Maudsley summarized thusly, “Sorrows which find no vent in tears may soon make other organs weep.” 28) Uncovering the root psychological trauma, Freud said, would cure illness. This theory that became the basis for his practice of psychoanalysis.
During the latter half of the nineteenth century, doctors matter-of-factly considered hysteria the most common of the functional nervous disorders among females. One Victorian physician cataloged 75 pages of possible symptoms of hysteria and called the list incomplete.29)
In 1980, hysteria was officially renamed “conversion disorder,” based on the hypothesis that patients convert their subconscious anxieties into physical symptoms. Conversion disorders belong to the broader designation of illnesses known as “somatoform disorders,” which includes hypochondria. Conversion disorder is currently defined by the American Psychiatric Association as symptoms that cannot be fully explained by a general medical condition (among other criteria).
The theory of hysteria has been heavily criticized almost since its reformulation by Freud, Charcot and other 19th century neurologists.
In her 2000 analysis,34) Briggs says that scholars of women and gender have long argued that hysteria participated in powerful narratives of cultural crisis, which goes a long way toward explaining the logical glue that held together an apparently endless catalogue of symptoms as a singular syndrome. She goes on to say hysteria was the “provenance almost exclusively of Anglo-American, native-born whites, specifically, white women of a certain class.” “The primary symptoms of hysteria in women were gynecologic and reproductive—prolapsed uterus, diseased ovaries, long and difficult childbirths—maladies that made it difficult for these hysterical (white) women to have children.”
Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English, for example, have concluded hysteria is virtually a diagnostic fiction, arguing that nineteenth century physicians called upon narratives of nervous illness to denounce women’s agitation for expanded social roles. They cite the now classic example of Harvard president Edward Clarke arguing against women’s education in 1873 by claiming that the blood demanded by the brain would prevent the reproductive system from developing properly.35)
The impetus for renaming Freud's notion of hysteria in 1980 was to put the theory (with its transparently sexist origin36) and pejorative overtones) on supposedly more scientific ground. Different sub-types were reassigned to other categories and several other small changes were made. For example, in the interests of diagnostic specificity, patients who are feigning (faking) illness are excluded from the diagnosis, however, feigning is “very difficult to either disprove or prove.”37)
As Peter Halligan comments, however, the greatest liability is a more fundamental one: conversion still has “the doubtful distinction among psychiatric diagnoses of still invoking Freudian mechanisms.”38) According to Richard Webster's excellent analysis, “the only strict criterion is that the patient's symptoms were medically inexplicable.”
A 2010 psychiatrist-written paper on somatoform disorders could not be more aptly titled: “Understanding and managing somatoform disorders: Making sense of non-sense.”39)
It is difficult not to draw the conclusion that, in formulating its criteria in this particular instance, the American Psychiatric Association did little more than take an old diagnostic error and give it a new name together with a new aura of respectability. Since the very concept of “conversion” is specifically psychoanalytic, and since it is historically indivisible from Freud’s own idiosyncratic theories of “hysteria”, it further seems that the creation of the category “conversion disorder” was a politically astute way of preserving the old concept of “hysteria” in euphemistic disguise.
Richard Webster 40)
Even more than 100 years after this idea was first proposed, researchers remain at a loss to find any compelling scientific evidence for somatoform disorders. Psychology, physiology and functional brain imaging technology (e.g. EEG, fMRI, PET, or SPECT) have failed to elucidate the neurobiology of conversion disorder.41) Methodologic problems of such studies “abound.”42) Even in cases where psychological stress can be measured in patients with the diagnosis of somatoform disorders, these reactions to stress are “similar to the severity of psychological stress in non-psychosomatic neurological disorders.”43)
Today conversion disorder does not connotate the full measure of diagnostic stigma that hysteria does, but that may change as patients learn what conversion disorder means. Some commentators report that the term “conversion disorder” has not been accepted by patients.44) 45) Indeed, papers about conversion disorder also discuss the challenge of dealing with patients who feel insulted by implications they are engaging in “elaborate self-deception.”46)
Conversion disorder is the subject of criticism even among those responsible for rewriting the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. A 2010 letter to the editor of American journal of psychiatry criticizes the name and criteria for conversion disorder, suggesting alternatives.47) In the letter, Stone et al. eschew “conversion disorder” in favor of the term “functional neurological disorder.” The absurd criterion that the symptoms must be medically unexplained remains, which they euphemize as “diagnostic features” that “provide evidence of internal inconsistency or incongruity with recognized neurological or medical disorder.” This proposed change in terminology (and others) would do nothing to remedy this fatal flaw of any psychosomatic diagnosis.
Whatever their official designations, somatoform and conversion disorders are not substantively different than hysteria. The existence of such conditions is not supported by scientific evidence. In practice, these terms, no matter which is used, will remain a “diagnostic dustbin.”48)
Even today, many physicians and researchers continue to believe that a number of medically unexplained symptoms are direct manifestations of internal psychological conflicts. Conditions widely believed to be “somatoform diseases” include:
In practice, few “diseases” are diagnosed more inconsistently than conversion disorder, and that is evident in the widely variable estimates for its prevalence. This strikes at the heart of its usefulness and validity as an explanation for illness.
It is fairly obvious that the actual prevalence of conversion disorder probably approaches zero, but some researchers continue to debate how common it is. Estimates of “disease” prevalence have differed by several orders of magnitude. For some researchers, conversion disorder is as common as ever. Carson et al. imply that over 15% of new attendees at neurology outpatient clinics had conversion disorder.52) On the other hand, Singh and Lee surveyed primary care physicians and identified 18 patients (out of a catchment population of 37,000) with conversion symptoms.53) Akagi and House call the disorder “vanishingly rare.”54)
For its part, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV-TR) offers strikingly imprecise estimates for its prevalence: “Reported rates of Conversion Disorder have varied widely, ranging from 11/100,000 to 500/100,000 in general population samples. It has been reported in up to 3% of outpatient referrals to mental health clinics. Studies of general medical/surgical inpatients have identified conversion symptom rates ranging between 1% and 14%.”55)
For interest, here is a list of certain groups thought to be more susceptible to psychosomatic illnesses:
Apart from the many disadvantages, long-lasting illness can also have more desirable consequences, such as care, attention, disengagement, or even financial benefits, which might also be considered perpetuating factors.69) 70)
A.J. Barsky et al.71)
One of the most damaging effects of the term “hysteria” is that it has encouraged doctors to think they have arrived at a diagnosis of symptoms which, in reality, remain mysterious. This in turn means that it is much easier for doctors to miss real but obscure organic illnesses.72) Ever since renaming hysteria, the day-to-day practice of diagnosing conversion disorder remains no less questionable due to its inherent subjectivity73) and a lack of a credible scientific basis.
The diagnosis of “hysteria” is all too often a way of avoiding a confrontation with our own ignorance. This is especially dangerous when there is an underlying organic pathology, not yet recognised. In this penumbra we find patients who know themselves to be ill but, coming up against the blank faces of doctors who refuse to believe in the reality of their illness, proceed by way of emotional lability, overstatement and demands for attention … Here is an area where catastrophic errors can be made. In fact it is often possible to recognise the presence though not the nature of the unrecognisable, to know that a man must be ill or in pain when all the tests are negative. But it is only possible to those who come to their task in a spirit of humility.
Eliot Slater, M.D., 1982 74)
Misdiagnoses cause expense and loss of income, both on an individual scale and hugely to society in wasted talent.
Related article: Stress
If the mind has the power to cause illness, wouldn't the mind also have the power to reverse it? One of the popular implications of Freudian notions of the mind-body connection is that positive thinking both protects against disease and cures those patients who are already ill. Indeed, researchers have shown psychological stress appears to have a certain effect on immune function.75) The extreme version of the “mind over matter” theory is that illness though is a manifest failure to be positive:
There are no incurable diseases, only incurable people.
Bernie S. Siegel, M.D., 198676)
Some studies suggest that positive thinking is helpful to a certain extent, but it is always a problem inferring causation from these types of observational studies. Sick people may be more likely to be pessimistic, but it could just be that people are happy because they are healthy. Positive affect (mood) may be marginally associated with lower rates of AIDS mortality,77) but what is to say that AIDS patients who are depressed aren't sicker than their more optimistic counterparts – and that this effect cannot be adequately controlled for using multivariate analysis (which attempts to control for such differences)?
Psychological causes for illness are widely invoked in relatively well-defined diseases such as cardiovascular diseases, but especially cancer.
We believe that emotional and mental states play a significant role both in “susceptibility” to disease, including cancer, and in “recovery” from all disease. We believe that cancer is often an indication of problems elsewhere in an individual's life, probably aggravated or compounded by a series of stresses six to eighteen months prior to the onset of cancer.
O. Carl Simonton M.D., 1992 78)
It has become conventional wisdom that a positive attitude improves a cancer patient's survival duration. According to Rittenberg et al.,79) while many studies and articles have been published claiming that various psychological parameters influence the course of cancer, their results have been contradictory and methodologically impaired.80) 81) 82) Other studies have supported this conclusion:
Positive thinking may be appropriate as one of many successful coping strategies. To attribute more to it or, worse, to insist that patients believe in its power to cure, positive thinking can be stigmatizing, adding an extra burden to an already devastated patient.85) If patients fail to become healthy, they are to blame as they are not trying hard enough to be positive. Chronic diseases are traumatizing life events. Sometimes crying, anger, or any of the other signs of negative attitude may be useful for effectively coping with the challenges of being sick. Norem et al. argue convincingly that sometimes pessimism and negative thinking are indeed positive psychology, as they lead to better performance and personal growth.86)
In no way should psychological support add an extra burden to an already devastated patient.
I contend that by forcing a cancer patient to accept the concept of “positive mental attitude”, which is the rage these days in America, we as health-care professionals are not allowing patients to face reality, to set their own goals, to be allowed to grieve, or to plan appropriately for the future.
Popular literature, television, and movies are filled with the notion that we can influence physical health and illness through mental attitude. Positive feelings lead to cure and recovery, while negative feelings probably caused the disease in the first place and certainly influence its course.
Promoters of this concept typically provide anecdotes of how their interventions of positive thinking and imagery resulted in new, miraculous remissions or cures. Likewise, they frequently eschew the medical establishment and standard treatments. The fact that for many cancer patients there is no known cure allows the promoters of positive thinking to accuse the establishment of being self-serving….
Those of us in the profession know that the combination of what is seen under the microscope and the extent of disease have the greatest influence on prognosis. Would it were just so easy as prescribing “positive mental attitude”!
Cynthia N. Rittenberg 87)
Lederberg et al. state that encouraging a “positive attitude” with extreme hopes and beliefs leads to equally extreme disappointments.88) They decry the fact that healers “let patients bear personal responsibility for failure, or blame it on their having sought traditional treatment. The hapless patient has no choice but to join the universal chorus in blaming himself or blaming the cancer establishment.”
The following “psychological disorders” are diagnosed in the 2000 edition of the mental health professional's handbook, Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM-IV-TR.
A relatively uncritical eMedicine article on somatoform disorders offers more specific criteria by which the DSM-IV-TR recommends diagnosis of these conditions.